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Convención Republicana de 1880 - Historia

Convención Republicana de 1880 - Historia

Convención republicana de 1880

Salón de exposiciones de Chicago, ILL

2 al 8 de junio de 1880

Nominado: James Garfield de Ohio para presidente

Nominado: Chester Arthur de Nueva York para vicepresidente

La convención republicana se abrió con tres candidatos, hubo un movimiento preliminar para nominar a Grant para el tercer mandato después de una ausencia de cuatro años. Muchos se opusieron a la ruptura de la tradición de dos términos establecida por Washington. Apoyaron a Blaine o al secretario del Tesoro, John Sherman. La convención quedó estancada en treinta y cinco votaciones. Grant quedó 66 votos por debajo de la nominación. En la 36ª votación, el voto en contra de Grant cambió a James Garfield y fue nominado.

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Principales actores

Antes de 1880, Ulysses S. Grant había ganado renombre como un general brillante durante la Guerra Civil. Poco después de la guerra, en 1868, fue elegido presidente y ganó la reelección en 1872. Durante su mandato, su administración se hizo famosa por su corrupción, aunque el propio Grant nunca estuvo implicado en ningún delito. Después de dejar el cargo en 1877, se embarcó en una gira mundial donde fue, según el secretario del Tesoro, John Sherman, "recibido en todos los países por los que pasó ... con todos los honores que podrían conferirse a un monarca". 1 Grant estuvo acompañado por Tribuna de Nueva York el corresponsal John Russell Young, cuya cobertura de su viaje “puliría sus credenciales en casa durante su estadía prolongada en el extranjero”, según el biógrafo de Grant, Ron Chernow. A medida que los nuevos recuerdos de las deficiencias de Grant como presidente pasaron a un segundo plano, para ser reemplazados por "el afecto persistente de Appomattox" y retratos de su éxito en el extranjero, muchos llegaron a verlo como un posible candidato republicano en 1880, como lo había hecho el presidente Rutherford B. Hayes. se negó a buscar otro término. 2

Oficialmente, Grant escribía a sus amigos que “no soy candidato para nada”, pero no les impidió trabajar para organizar su nominación en la Convención Nacional Republicana de 1880. 3 Grant definitivamente tenía sus razones para querer la nominación. Estaba preocupado por los logros de los demócratas de la "causa perdida" en el sur y creía que "él podría ser el medio para poner fin a la 'miserable lucha seccional' entre el norte y el sur", manteniendo el poder fuera de "las manos de quienes lo intentaron". difícil ... destruir [la Unión] ”durante la Guerra Civil. Además, sus viajes al extranjero habían hecho madurar sus opiniones sobre política exterior. Por ejemplo, Grant creía que Estados Unidos debería "extender al menos su apoyo moral" a los chinos, que habían sido intimidados por las potencias europeas durante gran parte del siglo XIX. 4 Quizás el factor más importante en la decisión de Grant de postularse nuevamente fue su esposa, Julia, quien, según Chernow, lo “incitó” a postularse. En mayo de 1880, Grant había abandonado todas las pretensiones de modestia y "declaró su deseo de obtener la nominación". 5

James G. Blaine:

James Gillespie Blaine, de Maine, fue uno de los republicanos más influyentes en Washington en 1880. Había servido primero en la Cámara de Representantes y luego en el Senado desde 1861, donde dirigió la facción llamada "Half Breed" de republicanos moderados que se oponían los Stalwarts pro-Grant y pro-máquina liderados por Roscoe Conkling de Nueva York. Se postuló por primera vez para presidente en 1876, pero su candidatura se vio empañada por acusaciones de tratos ferroviarios corruptos poco antes de la convención republicana, lo que jugó algún papel en su pérdida de la nominación ante Rutherford B. Hayes. En 1879, Blaine había restaurado un poco su reputación al unir al liderazgo republicano de Maine para evitar que una coalición de los demócratas y el Greenback Party falsificaran los resultados de las elecciones de la legislatura estatal para mantener su poder en la cámara estatal. El historiador Norman E. Tutorow afirma que “a Blaine se le atribuyó este rotundo triunfo republicano, y sus… amigos esperaban que esta demostración de liderazgo ayudara a borrar los recuerdos del escándalo del ferrocarril”. 6 Por lo tanto, Blaine nuevamente comenzó a trabajar para obtener la nominación republicana en 1880.

Blaine inicialmente confiaba en sus posibilidades y no pensaba muy bien en sus dos principales rivales, Grant y John Sherman. En abril de 1880, James Garfield informaría que "creo que Blaine ahora tiene más confianza en la nominación de lo que nunca lo he conocido". Sin embargo, para el 23 de mayo, Blaine se mostró menos optimista acerca de sus posibilidades de éxito, y le dijo a Garfield que “no esperaba mucho la nominación… y no se habría convertido en candidato de no ser por la creencia de que podría prevenir de manera más efectiva la nominación del Gen. Grant que cualquier otro ". 7 Si bien tiene sentido que Blaine se opusiera a Grant debido al apoyo de este último al rival de Blaine, Roscoe Conkling, el ambicioso Blaine probablemente no le confió sus verdaderas aspiraciones a Garfield. Su éxito cercano en 1876 indica que Blaine probablemente entendió que muchos republicanos lo tenían en alta estima, lo que explica su optimismo en abril. Si bien Blaine ciertamente no quería que sus rivales ganaran poder, creía que tenía una buena oportunidad de ganarlo por sí mismo.

John Sherman:

John Sherman, el secretario del Tesoro, fue considerado uno de los principales expertos financieros del Partido Republicano. Había representado a Ohio primero en la Cámara y luego en el Senado de 1855 a 1877, cuando renunció para servir como Secretario del Tesoro de Hayes. Ya en 1879, Sherman comenzó a buscar la presidencia y fue "considerado ampliamente como el candidato de la administración". También contaba con el apoyo de los intereses comerciales para obtener la nominación. 8 Sin embargo, al igual que Grant y Garfield, Sherman tuvo que superar una serie de supuestos pasos en falso si quería asegurar la nominación. Primero, no le ayudó que muchos de sus contemporáneos vean su personalidad como "no muy atractiva". 9 Además, Sherman fue acusado de estar “bajo la influencia de la iglesia católica y estaba dando a los católicos una parte indebida de nombramientos” como secretario del Tesoro, un delito muy grave cuando el anticatolicismo era rampante. También enfrentó "otra acusación ... de que [él] estaba usando el patrocinio de [su] oficina para ayudar en [su] nominación". Por su parte, Sherman negó con vehemencia ambas acusaciones. 10

El biógrafo de Sherman, Theodore E. Burton, afirma que, al igual que Blaine, Sherman pensó que una nominación de Grant “sería desastrosa para el partido” y entró en la carrera en parte para oponerse a su nominación. 11 No obstante, se dio cuenta de que su única posibilidad de ganar la nominación era si tanto Grant como Blaine, los dos pioneros, no lograban obtener la mayoría de votos en la convención y él podía emerger como un candidato de compromiso. 12

James A. Garfield:

James A. Garfield, un ex general de la Guerra Civil, había representado a Ohio en la Cámara de Representantes desde 1863, donde el biógrafo Ira Rutkow afirma que "fue reconocido como uno de los ... legisladores más capaces de su generación", que "fue visto como un líder de talla nacional ". 13 A principios de la temporada electoral de 1880, Sherman intentó reclutar a Garfield como su gerente de piso en la convención, probablemente para evitar la posibilidad de una candidatura de Garfield. Aunque Sherman diría más tarde que Garfield “expresó su más sincero deseo de asegurar mi nominación y su deseo de ser un delegado en general, para poder ayudarme de manera efectiva”, el amigo de Garfield estaba trabajando para conseguir apoyo para su nominación en segundo plano. 14 El 18 de febrero de 1880, Garfield informó en su diario que Wharton Barker, un empresario de Pensilvania, se le acercó y le dijo a Garfield que "él y sus amigos estaban a favor de nominarme". Aunque Garfield respondió diciéndole que "no sería un candidato y no deseaba que se discutiera mi nombre en ese sentido", agregó que puede aceptar la nominación si "la Convención ... determina que no pueden nominar a ninguno de los candidatos". . " Luego agregó que "estaba trabajando de buena fe para Sherman y debería continuar haciéndolo". 15 Es imposible determinar si Garfield realmente quería la nominación o no, pero sin duda alguna una candidatura de caballo negro permanecía en el fondo de su mente. dieciséis

El senador John Logan fue el principal aliado de Grant en Illinois

Aliados incondicionales de Grant:

Los senadores Roscoe Conkling de Nueva York, Donald Cameron de Pennsylvania y John Logan de Illinois fueron los principales lugartenientes de Grant. Los tres eran políticos mecánicos que estaban dispuestos a hacer todo lo necesario para apoyar a Grant. Conkling era el líder del trío y fue seleccionado para ser el líder de piso de Grant en la convención y se le dio una amplia libertad para actuar como mejor le pareciera. George Boutwell, otro partidario de Grant de alto perfil, más tarde escribiría "El general Grant había puesto el asunto de su candidatura en manos de Conkling, Logan, Cameron y yo, con total libertad para actuar como consideráramos prudente". 17 Conkling tenía la reputación de ser un político despiadado que se involucraba en rencorosas enemistades con sus rivales, incluido Blaine, y "no estaba interesado en el proceso de conciliación". No obstante, Conkling era un orador brillante y ferozmente leal a sus amigos. 18

Facciones republicanas:

A gran escala, el historiador Allan Peskin sostiene que los delegados a la convención se suscribieron a dos facciones ideológicas en competencia. Los incondicionales estaban liderados por Conkling, Logan y Cameron y eran predominantemente de áreas como Nueva York y el sur, donde había una intensa competencia con los demócratas y razonaron que la mejor manera de lidiar con esto era apegarse a la política de la máquina y tratar ... y verdaderas políticas de Grant. Los delegados restantes procedían de distritos republicanos seguros y podían adoptar políticas reformistas y proempresariales “arriesgadas”, pero no tenían un líder. La mayoría apoyó a Blaine, pero una minoría significativa recurrió a Sherman o rechazó a ambos por candidatos menores.

1 John Sherman, Recuerdos de John Sherman de cuarenta años en la Cámara, el Senado y el Gabinete: una autobiografía (Chicago: The Werner Company, 1895), Volumen II, pág. 766.

2 Ron Chernow, Conceder, (Nueva York: Penguin Press, 2017), 863, 890.

3 Grant a Washburne, 2 de febrero de 1880. John Y. Simon, ed., Los papeles de Ulysses S. Grant [de aquí en adelante abreviado como PUSG] (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1979), volumen 29, pág. 352-53.

4 Young to Hay, 4 de junio de 1880. PUSG, Vol. 29, 411 Grant a Corbin, 29 de marzo de 1878. PUSG, Vol. 28, 369-70.

5 Chernow, Conceder, 897.

6 Norman E. Tutorow, James Gillespie Blaine y la presidencia: un estudio documental y un libro de consulta (Nueva York: Peter Lang Publishing, 1988), 3, 47.

7 James A. Garfield, El diario de James A. Garfield: Volumen IV, 1878-1881,ed. Harry James Brown y Frederick D. Williams (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1981), 397-98, 422.

8 W.T. Sherman a Grant, 17 de julio de 1879. PUSG, Vol. 29, 138 Tutorow, James Gillespie Blaine y la presidencia, 46.

9 Tutorow, James Gillespie Blaine y la presidencia, 50.

10 Sherman, Recuerdos, 768-69.

11 Theodore E. Burton, John Sherman (Nueva York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1972), 302.

12 Sherman, Recuerdos, 767.

13 Ira Rutkow, James A. Garfield (Nueva York: Times Books, 2006), 47.

14 Sherman, Recuerdos, 771.

15 Garfield, El diario de James A. Garfield, 369-70.

16 Rutkow, James A. Garfield, 49.

17 Boutwell a Fred. D. Grant, 28 de mayo de 1897. PUSG, Vol. 29, 419.

18 de Rutkow, James A. Garfield, 51.

19 Allan Peskin, “¿Quiénes eran los incondicionales? ¿Quiénes eran sus rivales? Facciones republicanas en la edad dorada ", Ciencia política trimestral 99, no 4 (1984): 705-706, 714-715


1880 Nominación republicana

Hola y bienvenido a la última entrega de mi serie de encuestas eligiendo a los nominados de los partidos a lo largo de la historia. Hoy r / neoliberal decide el candidato de 1880 del Partido Republicano.

Como de costumbre, la falta de información fue un problema.

A medida que se reúne un partido republicano dividido, un ex presidente busca un tercer mandato sin precedentes y los líderes del partido luchan por detenerlo y promover su propia agenda. Como este conflicto conduce a una convención estancada, un caballo oscuro espera entre bastidores.

Los tres grandes

Presidente Ulysses S. Grant

Menos de tres años después de la conclusión de su segundo mandato en la oficina de la presidencia, los republicanos “incondicionales” de la reforma del servicio civil encabezados por Roscoe Conkling de Nueva York planean nominar a Grant una vez más para un tercer mandato sin precedentes. Conkling presentó la nominación de Grant con un elocuente discurso en el que declaraba: "Cuando se le pregunte de qué estado proviene, nuestra única respuesta será que proviene de Appomattox y su famoso manzano".

Si es elegido para un tercer mandato, es de suponer que Grant no actuaría para reformar el servicio civil y le preocupa que la corrupción dentro de su gabinete se convierta una vez más en un problema. Aparte de esto, se espera que Grant intente ayudar en la búsqueda de los derechos de los afroamericanos y persiga una política exterior expansionista.

Senador James G. Blaine

El senador de Maine y ex presidente de la Cámara de Representantes, James G. Blaine, lidera la facción "Half Breed" del Partido Republicano. Blaine favorece la reforma del servicio civil, la "Enmienda Blaine" que prohíbe que los fondos públicos vayan a instituciones religiosas, aumentando la cantidad de tropas federales en el sur para garantizar el derecho al voto de los negros, la preservación del patrón oro y la expansión de la marina. El discurso de nominación de Blaine fue dado por James Joy, quien accidentalmente terminó el discurso llamándolo "James S. Blaine".

Secretario John Sherman

Muchos republicanos moderados que no son ni "incondicionales" ni "mestizos" apoyan al secretario del Tesoro y ex senador John Sherman de Ohio. Sherman es el hermano del general de la Guerra Civil. y maestro de la parrilla de Georgia William Tecumseh Sherman. Sherman es un republicano moderado que se pronunció contra propuestas como la eliminación del sufragio de los confederados. Sherman se opuso a retirar los billetes verdes de la oferta monetaria ya que un senador y propuso mantenerlos dentro y esperar a que la población se pusiera al día con la oferta monetaria.

Sherman abogó notablemente en contra de la acuñación de plata como senador y amperio de la Ley de Reanudación del Pago de Especies que resucitó el patrón oro. Como Secretario del Tesoro, ha luchado por el patrón oro y contra la Ley Bland-Allison. Si bien Sherman no es un reformador de la administración pública, ha ayudado al presidente Hayes en sus limitadas reformas de la administración pública. Un congresista de Ohio llamado James Garfield pronunció el discurso de nominación de Sherman, un discurso tan bueno que varios delegados parecen desear nominar al propio Garfield.

Candidatos del borrador

Representante James A. Garfield

Un ex mayor general y el de facto El líder republicano en la Cámara de Representantes, James A. Garfield, ha venido a la convención para apoyar a John Sherman, pero algunos delegados anti Grant, como Benjamin Harrison de Indiana, han comenzado a apoyarlo para romper el punto muerto y una oleada de apoyo al draft para una Se ha rumoreado la candidatura del caballo oscuro Garfield.

El mentor político de Garfield fue Salmon P. Chase, gobernador, senador, secretario del Tesoro y presidente del Tribunal Supremo. Garfield favorece el patrón oro y rompe con su partido sobre aranceles, ya que Garfield es uno de los pocos republicanos que favorece el libre comercio, también apoya la reforma del servicio civil y se opone a las concesiones de tierras a los ferrocarriles. Garfield apoyó una política de reconstrucción estricta, pero finalmente se volvió más moderado y mientras atacaba al Klan como "terroristas", se opuso a la Ley Klu Klux Klan debido a la suspensión del habeus corpus.

Garfield habla varios idiomas con fluidez, puede escribir con ambas manos y desarrolló una prueba trapezoidal del Theorum de Pitágoras en la década de 1860.

Embajador Elihu B. Washburne

Elihu B. Washburne se desempeñó como senador, secretario de Estado durante 11 días y como embajador en Francia durante la administración de la subvención. Washburne fue uno de los primeros aliados de Grant cuando Washburne era senador y Grant general, y Washburne se convirtió en un republicano radical y uno de los primeros partidarios de la igualdad racial. Washburne ha respaldado a Grant & amp que se negó a presentarse como candidato, pero decenas de delegados han intentado reclutarlo.

Candidatos menores

Senador George F. Edmunds

El senador de Vermont George F. Edmunds es un contendiente menor de la nominación. Edmunds es un republicano pro reforma del servicio civil que lideró el esfuerzo por acusar al presidente Johnson. Edmunds aboga por leyes más duras contra la poligamia, legislación antimonopolio y es famoso como un opositor en el Senado. También es conocido como un polemista inteligente que puede hacer que los demócratas del sur se avergüencen al romper el velo sobre su racismo.


Opciones de acceso

1. La literatura académica sobre reconstrucción es, por supuesto, voluminosa. El relato estándar y completo es Foner, Eric, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (Nueva York: HarperCollins, 1988) Google Scholar. La política de la Reconstrucción, específicamente, se cubre magníficamente de una manera clara y concisa en Valelly, Richard M., The Two Reconstructions: The Struggle for Black Enfranchisement (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004).

2. Véase Abbott, Richard H., The Republican Party and the South, 1855–1877 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986), 214–18 Google Scholar Barreyre, Nicolas, “The Politics of Economic Crises: The Panic of 1873, el fin de la reconstrucción y el realineamiento de la política estadounidense ”, The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 10 (2011): 403-23. CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3. Para una discusión general de la estrategia del Partido Republicano vis-à-vis el Sur en los años posteriores a la Reconstrucción, ver De Santis, Vincent, Republicans Face the Southern Question: The New Departure Years, 1877-1897 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1959) Google Scholar Hirshson, Stanley, Farewell to the Bloody Shirt: Northern Republicans and the Southern Negro, 1877–1893 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1962) Google Scholar Calhoun, Charles W., Conceiving a New Republic: The Republican Party and the Southern Question, 1869-1900 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2006). Google Académico

4. Ver Valelly, Las dos reconstrucciones, 134–39.

5. El Partido Republicano abdicaría formalmente de cualquier futuro esfuerzo de reconstrucción en 1909, como dejó claro William Howard Taft en su discurso inaugural presidencial. Véase Sherman, Richard B., The Republican Party and Black America From McKinley to Hoover, 1896-1933 (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1973) Google Scholar, 86 Valelly, Las dos reconstrucciones, 133.

6. Agradecemos a un revisor anónimo por sugerir que hagamos explícito este marco de “estrategia del Sur”.

7. Para ver un ejemplo anterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial, consulte Jenkins, Jeffery A., "The First 'Southern Strategy': The Republican Party and Contested Election Cases in the Late-Nine 19th Century House", en Party, Process, and Political Change en Congreso, Volumen 2: Nuevas perspectivas adicionales sobre la historia del Congreso, ed. Brady, David W. y McCubbins, Mathew D. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007). Google Académico

8. Gran parte del contenido de esta sección se basa en Rosewater, Victor, "Republican Convention Apportionment", Political Science Quarterly 28 (1913): 610-26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9. Para la cobertura del debate, junto con los resultados clave de la votación, consulte Actas de la Convención Nacional Republicana celebrada en Chicago, 16, 17 y 18 de mayo de 1860 (Albany, NY: Weed, Parsons, 1860), 44 - 70. Google Académico

10. Para una discusión extensa de la política que rodea al Lodge Bill, ver Valelly, Richard M., “Partisan Entrepreneurship and Policy Windows: George Frisbie Hoar and the 1890 Federal Elections Bill”, en Formative Acts: American Politics in the Making, ed. . Skowronek, Stephen y Glassman, Matthew (Filadelfia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 126–52 Google Scholar Welch, Richard E. Jr., "The Federal Elections Bill of 1890: PostScript and Preludes", The Journal of American History 52 ( 1965): 511-26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11. Véase Kousser, J. Morgan, The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and the Establishment of the One-Party South (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974) Google Scholar Perman, Michael, Struggle for Mastery: Disfranchisement en el Sur , 1888–1908 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001). Google Académico

12. Sundquist, James L., Dynamics of the Party System: Alignment and Realignment of Political Parties in the United States (Washington: The Brookings Institution, 1973). Google Scholar

13. Otra forma en que los republicanos intentaron mantener un punto de apoyo en el sur, más allá de los intentos estatutarios como el Lodge Bill, fue a través de casos electorales controvertidos (disputados). En las cinco Cámaras en las que el Partido Republicano mantuvo el control mayoritario en el período de veinte años entre 1881 y 1901, los republicanos cambiaron veinte escaños en el ex Confederado Sur de demócrata a republicano, basándose en cargos relacionados con fraude, intimidación, irregularidades electorales y así sucesivamente. El desglose de esos veinte es el siguiente: cinco escaños en el 47. ° Congreso (1881-1883), cinco en el 51 ° (1889-1891), cuatro en el 54 ° (1895-1897), tres en el 55 ° (1897-1899) y tres en el 56º (1899-1901). En los cinco congresos sucesivos, el 57º al 61º (1901-11), en el que mantuvieron el control mayoritario de la Cámara, los republicanos cambiaron no escaños en los antiguos estados confederados. Véase Jenkins, Jeffery A., "Partisanship and Contested Election Cases in the House of Representatives, 1789-2002", Studies in American Political Development 18 (2004): 112 - 35CrossRefGoogle Scholar Jenkins, "The First 'Southern Strategy'". el tema más amplio de los escaños en disputa de la Cámara y la estrategia del Partido Republicano, ver Valelly, Richard M., “National Parties and Racial Disenfranchisement”, en Classifying By Race, ed. Peterson, Paul E. (Princeton, Nueva Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1995) Google Scholar.

14. La moción de 1912 también habría proporcionado dos delegados para cada uno de Alaska, el Distrito de Columbia, Hawai, Puerto Rico y Filipinas.

15. Al implementar el cambio, la RNC siguió el consejo de un Comité de Representación que había designado a principios de ese año. Consulte "Armonía la nota del discurso republicano", New York Times, 25 de mayo de 1913 "Los republicanos votan por las reformas de los delegados", New York Times, 17 de diciembre de 1913.

16. Este relato se confirma en un examen de las listas de delegados incluidas en las actas oficiales de la convención republicana de 1916. Ver Informe oficial de las actas de la Decimosexta Convención Nacional Republicana (Nueva York: The Tenny Press, 1916) Google Scholar. Hanes Walton, sin embargo, afirma que los recortes en los delegados del sur no se acordaron hasta la convención de 1916 y no entraron en vigor hasta 1920. El relato de Walton parece estar basado en una lectura incorrecta de W. F. Nowlin El negro en la política nacional estadounidense, que establece que los recortes entraron en vigor en 1916 y se mantuvieron durante la convención de 1920. Véase Walton, Hanes Jr., Black Republicans: The Politics of the Black and Tans (Metuchen, Nueva Jersey: The Scarecrow Press, 1975) Google Scholar, 152 Nowlin, WF, The Negro in American National Politics (Boston: The Stratford Company, 1931). ), 72 - 73 Google Scholar.

17. "Los republicanos recortan la cuota del sur", New York Times, 9 de junio de 1921.

18. En virtud de este plan de redistribución, el Sur mantuvo un porcentaje aproximadamente similar del número total de delegados en 1924 al que había tenido en 1920. Véase "El Sur gana a los delegados caídos por la Convención de 1920", New York Times, 13 de diciembre de 1923.

19. De Santis, Vincent P., "Política del sur del presidente Hayes", The Journal of Southern History 21 (1955): 476 –94CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20. Sobre la ventaja basada en el patrocinio de Sherman, ver Clancy, Herbert John, The Presidential Election of 1880 (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1958), 30 - 31 Google Scholar Calhoun, Concebir una nueva república, 170.

21. Ackerman, Kenneth D., Dark Horse: The Surprise Election and Political Murder of President James A. Garfield (Nueva York: Carroll y Graf, 2003), 32 - 33. Google Scholar

22. Véase Richardson, Leon Burr, William E. Chandler: Republican (Nueva York: Dodd, Mead, 1940) Google Scholar, 256.

23. Ver "Representación republicana", New York Times, 7 de diciembre de 1883 "Representación republicana", El Correo de Washington, 7 de diciembre de 1883. Nótese que ambos periódicos, al caracterizar los “estados del sur”, también incluyen Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri y West Virginia. Solo Kentucky, de estos cuatro, habría perdido delegados a la Convención bajo el plan Frye.

24. "Una convención llamada", El Correo de Washington, 13 de diciembre de 1883 "Planes republicanos para el '84", New York Times, 13 de diciembre de 1883.

25. De Santis, Vincent P., "El presidente Arthur y los movimientos independientes en el sur en 1882", The Journal of Southern History 19 (1953): 346 –63.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

26. De Santis, “El presidente Arthur y los movimientos independientes en el sur en 1882”, pág. 354.

27. Sobre estos esfuerzos de Arthur y Chandler en los diversos estados del sur, ver Doenecke, Justin D., The Presidencies of James A. Garfield y Chester A. Arthur (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1981), 114-23 Google Scholar.

28. Para una cobertura del debate sobre la distribución de delegados, ver Actas de la Octava Convención Nacional Republicana, celebrada en Chicago, 3, 4, 5 y 6 de junio de 1884 (Chicago: Rand, McNally, 1884), 84 - 91. .Google Académico

29. Richardson, William E. Chandler, 346–48.

30. Como señala Leon Richardson, "Arthur no tenía el atractivo nacional de Blaine, su fuerza, en la medida en que la tenía, aparte de su acreditable historial como presidente se derivaba de su control del patrocinio". Ver Richardson, William E. Chandler, 347.

31. Calhoun, Concebir una nueva república, 204.

32. Véase Reitano, Joanne R., The Tariff Question in the Gilded Age: The Great Debate of 1888 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994) Google Scholar Calhoun, Charles W., Minority Victory: Gilded Age Politics and the Front Campaña del porche de 1888 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2008) Google Scholar.

33. Calhoun señala que uno de los "lugartenientes" de Sherman fue el ex congresista de Illinois Green R. Raum, quien fue "durante mucho tiempo un ferviente defensor de los derechos civiles de los negros [y] fue particularmente competente en persuadir a los delegados del sur para que se alistaran en la causa de Sherman". Calhoun, Victoria de la minoría, 95.

34. Calhoun, Victoria de la minoría, 85.

35. Kehl, James A., Boss Rule in the Gilded Age: Matt Quay of Pennsylvania (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1981) Google Scholar, 87.

36. Sherman, John, Recuerdos de cuarenta años en la Cámara, el Senado y el Gabinete: una autobiografía, vol. II (Chicago: The Werner Company, 1895) Google Scholar, 1129. Sherman, al discutir si albergaba algún resentimiento hacia aquellos que pudieron haber contribuido a su derrota en 1888, dijo lo siguiente: “El único sentimiento de resentimiento que abrigaba era en respecto a la acción de los amigos del general Alger al tentar con dinero a los negros pobres a violar las instrucciones de sus electores ”. Ibíd., 1032.

37. Ver "Alger da una respuesta", El Correo de Washington, 22 de noviembre de 1895 "Ire de Alger Aroused", Chicago Tribune, 22 de noviembre de 1895 "Alger Answers Sherman", New York Times, 22 de noviembre de 1895. Según Alger, William T. Sherman debe haber dicho: “Hiciste una buena muestra de votos, y si compraste algunos, según el uso universal, no te culpo. Me reí de John por tratar de despistar a alguien. Fue bastante golpeado en la convención ".

38. Como presidente, Harrison fue un defensor de los derechos civiles de los negros y apoyó los esfuerzos del Congreso para aprobar un nuevo proyecto de ley de aplicación de los derechos de voto (es decir, el Lodge Bill). Véase De Santis, Vincent, "Benjamin Harrison and the Republican Party in the South, 1889–1893", Indiana Magazine of History 51 (1955): 279 - 302. Google Scholar

39. Para una descripción general de la política republicana previa a la convención, consulte Knoles, George Harmon, The Presidential Campaign and Election of 1892 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1942), 34 - 48 Google Scholar Dozer, Donald Marquand, “Benjamin Harrison and the Presidential Campaign of 1892 ”, The American Historical Review 54 (1948): 49 - 77. CrossRefGoogle Scholar

40. Este resultado de esta disputa dio lugar a que se sentara una delegación totalmente blanca, en lugar de una delegación mixta de blancos y negros. Véase Nathanson, Iric, “African Americans and the 1892 Republican National Convention, Minneapolis”, Minnesota History 61 (2008): 76 - 82 Google Scholar. Este fue el primer indicio de la disputa entre el blanco lirio y el negro y bronceado que plagaría al Partido Republicano del Sur durante las próximas décadas. Para una historia detallada de esta disputa republicana interna en el sur, vea Walton, Republicanos negros.

41. Citado en Kehl, La regla del jefe en la edad dorada, 172.

42. Citas de Kehl, Regla del jefe en la edad dorada, 174.

43. Horner, William T., Kingmaker de Ohio: Mark Hanna, Man and Myth (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2010) Google Scholar, 141.

44. Kehl, Regla del jefe en la edad dorada, 198. Para más información sobre la estrategia de alquiler de Thomasville, consulte Bocote, Clarence A., "Negro Officeholders in Georgia under President McKinley", The Journal of Negro History 44 (1959): 217 –39CrossRefGoogle Scholar Jones, Stanley L., The Presidential Elección de 1896 (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1964), 112-13 Google Scholar Walton, Republicanos negros, 57–60 Horner, Hacedor de reyes de Ohio, 142–43.

45. Citado en Kehl, La regla del jefe en la edad dorada, 197.

46. ​​Valelly, “National Parties and Racial Disenfranchisement”, 209.

47. Por ejemplo, Valelly relata un incidente en Carolina del Norte en 1898 durante el cual el gobernador republicano Daniel Russell “casi fue linchado por una turba demócrata que detuvo su tren; escapó de la muerte solo porque logró encontrar un buen escondite en el tren” ( Valelly, Las dos reconstrucciones, 131).

48. Otra razón por la que el Partido Republicano se alejó de las elecciones en el Sur se basó en un cambio en la diversidad racial y regional de la base de votantes del partido: "la coalición blanco-negro Norte-Sur de 1867-1868 fue suplantada por una nueva coalición blanca-blanca del Noroeste ”, que no veía ningún valor en seguir participando en las elecciones del Sur que el partido estaba destinado a perder. Ver Valelly, Las dos reconstrucciones, 134.

49. "El sur es demasiado para ellos", Columbus Enquirer Sun, 28 de noviembre de 1899.

50. La propuesta de Payne se presentó casi al mismo tiempo que los republicanos en el Congreso intentaron exigir la aplicación de la Sección 2 de la Decimocuarta Enmienda, lo que daría lugar a una disminución de la representación en los estados del sur en consonancia con el número de votantes negros a los que se les negó la derecho a votar. El primer intento de presentar un desafío de la Decimocuarta Enmienda contra un estado del Sur se produjo en octubre de 1899, solo dos meses antes de la reunión del RNC que consideró la propuesta de Payne de redistribuir los delegados del Sur. Véase Jenkins, Jeffery A., Peck, Justin y Weaver, Vesla M., “Between Reconstructions: Congressional Action on Civil Rights, 1891-1940. Estudios sobre desarrollo político estadounidense 24 (2010): 57 - 89. CrossRefGoogle Scholar

51. Cited in Wight , William Ward , Henry Clay Payne: A Life ( Milwaukee : Burdick and Allen , 1907 )Google Scholar , 102.

52. Wight, Henry Clay Payne, 118.

53. “To Reduce Southern Representation,” Charlotte Daily Observer, November 29, 1899.

54. “Opposed to Mr. Payne's Plan,” El Correo de Washington, December 13, 1899.

55. “Cities in a Fight,” Los Angeles Times, December 14, 1899.

56. “Quakers Make a Deal,” El Correo de Washington, December 14, 1899.

57. Wight, Henry Clay Payne, 104 “Philadelphia June 19: Place and Date Fixed for Republican Convention,” El Correo de Washington, December 16, 1899.

58. Wight, Henry Clay Payne, 105.

59. Croly , Herbert , Marcus Alonzo Hanna: His Life and Work ( Hamden, CT : Archon Books , 1965 )Google Scholar .

60. Kehl, Boss Rule in the Gilded Age, 225.

61. Official Proceedings of the Twelfth Republican National Convention , ( Philadelphia : Press of Dunlap Printing Company , 1900 )Google Scholar , 99.

62. “Hard Blow for Hanna,” Daily Picayune, June 16, 1900.

63. “Quay's Rap at the South,” New York Times, June 21, 1900.

64. Kehl, Boss Rule in the Gilded Age, 227.

65. “Theodore Roosevelt to be the Unanimous Choice for Vice-President,” Los Angeles Times, June 21, 1900.

66. Croly, Marcus Alonzo Hanna, 415–16.

67. Sherman, The Republican Party and Black America, 31.

68. Gould , Lewis L. , The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt ( Lawrence : The University Press of Kansas , 1991 ), 118 –22Google Scholar .

69. Croly, Marcus Alonzo Hanna, 421 Merrill , Horace Samuel and Merrill , Marion Galbraith , The Republican Command, 1897–1913 ( Lexington : The University Press of Kentucky , 1971 )Google Scholar , 181.

70. Fowler , Dorothy Ganfield , The Cabinet Politician: The Postmasters General, 1829–1909 ( New York : Columbia University Press , 1943 )Google Scholar , 293.

71. “Civil Service Charges,” Tribuna de Nueva York, April 5, 1909.

72. During a speech in Greensboro, North Carolina on July 9, 1906, Taft had warned that “as long as the Republican party in the Southern states shall represent little save a factional chase for federal offices in which business men and men of substance in the community have no desire to enter, we may expect the present political conditions of the South to continue” (“Civil Service Charges,” Tribuna de Nueva York, April 5, 1909). Additionally, in a private letter written in January 1908, Taft stated that “the South has been the section of rotten boroughs in the Republican national politics and it would delight me if no southern votes were permitted to have a vote in the National Convention except in proportion to its Republican vote… . But when a man is running for the presidency, and I believe that is what I am now doing, he cannot afford to ignore the tremendous influence, however undue, that the southern vote has.” See Pringle , Henry F. , The Life and Times of William Howard Taft: A Biography , Vol. 1 ( New York : Farrar & Rinehart , 1939 )Google Scholar , 347.

73. Sherman, The Republican Party and Black America, 92.

74. Rosewater , Victor , Backstage in 1912: The Inside Story of the Split Republican Convention ( Philadelphia : Dorrance , 1932 ), 29 – 33 Google Scholar .

75. Milkis , Sidney M. , Theodore Roosevelt, the Progressive Party, and the Transformation of American Democracy ( Lawrence : The University Press of Kansas , 2009 )Google Scholar , 53.

77. Wilensky , Norman M. , Conservatives in the Progressive Era: The Taft Republicans of 1912 ( Gainesville : University of Florida Press , 1965 )Google Scholar , 17.

79. These numbers include the delegates the Roosevelt campaign contested (112 delegates, of which 66 were from the South). “Taft's Certain List Goes up to 325,” New York Times, June 9, 1912.

80. As Casdorph notes, Roosevelt outperformed Taft in the South during the 1912 presidential election. Casdorph , Paul D. , Republicans, Negroes, and Progressives in the South, 1912–1916 ( University, Alabama : The University of Alabama Press , 1981 )Google Scholar , 151.

81. Wilensky, Conservatives in the Progressive Era, 33.

82. A more detailed analysis of “the 292 most politically active Old Guardsmen” also shows that Southern Taft supporters were more likely to have had prior political experience: 97.4 percent of Southern Taft men did, while in the Northeast, Midwest, and West these numbers were lower (respectively, 82.7 percent, 84.5 percent and 75.7 percent). See Wilensky, Conservatives in the Progressive Era, 33 and 38.

83. “A Naked Issue of Right and Wrong,” Outlook, June 14, 1912.

84. Cited in Clayton , Bruce L. , “ An Intellectual on Politics: William Garrott Brown and the Ideal of a Two-Party South ,” North Carolina Historical Review 42 ( 1965 ): 319 –34Google Scholar .

85. Milkis, Theodore Roosevelt, the Progressive Party, and the Transformation of American Democracy, 109.

86. Official Report of the Proceedings of the Fifteenth Republican National Convention ( New York : The Tenny Press , 1912 ), 61 – 88 Google Scholar .

87. Casdorph, Republicans, Negroes, and Progressives in the South, 115 Congressional Quarterly's Guide to U.S. Elections, 3rd ed. ( Washington, DC : Congressional Quarterly , 1994 )Google Scholar , 220.

88. Walton, Black Republicans, 156.

89. There is some disagreement as to whether the convention's decisions on the contested delegates were fair or not. Although Root's chairmanship helped Taft in this regard, Roosevelt's failure to successfully challenge Southern delegates may not have been entirely unjust. For one thing, as The Washington Times stated, the challenges of delegates that were selected before Roosevelt could build a campaign machine were largely intended for “psychological effects” so that “a tabulation of delegate strength could be put out that would show Roosevelt holding a good hand” by inflating the number of contested delegates (“Figures to Date Fail to Show Taft Victory,” The Washington Times, June 9, 1912). In his autobiography, Robert La Follette claims that the Roosevelt campaign picked up many delegates in the run up to the convention “because of the false claims put forth by his managers that he had a large lead in the contest, claims which they well knew to be false.” See Follette , Robert La , La Follette's Autobiography: A Personal Narrative of Political Experiences ( Madison, Wisconsin : The University of Wisconsin Press , 2013 )Google Scholar , 668. In addition, Casdorph notes that Roosevelt supporters voted with Taft supporters on many of the decisions regarding contested delegates because it was their strategy “not to stand by any cases from the South or elsewhere that did not have genuine merit” (Casdorph, Republicans, Negroes, and Progressives in the South, 95). However, historian Lewis L. Gould presents a different view in his study of the delegate politics in Texas, arguing that a correct division should have given Roosevelt 24 delegates to Taft's 16. If this indeed had been the division, Taft's majority would have dropped to only a handful of votes above the 540 majority line. See Gould , Lewis L. , “ Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, and the Disputed Delegates in 1912: Texas as a Test Case. ” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 80 ( 1976 ): 33 – 56 Google Scholar .

90. It is important to note, however, that during procedural votes on the first days of the convention, Taft's majority remained slim. Had La Follette and Roosevelt managed to overcome their intraprogressive squabbling, Taft would have lacked the votes necessary to select Root and to decide the contested delegate races. See Milkis, Theodore Roosevelt, the Progressive Party, and the Transformation of American Democracy, 114.


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Photo, Print, Drawing Republican National convention at Chicago, June 2, 1880 Independent America -- the home of the freeman, where the humblest citizen can attain the highest honors in the gift of her people.

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Will This Year's Republican Convention Be Like 1880?

1880 Republican National Convention at Chicago, Illinois. A view inside the Interstate Exposition Building (known as the "Glass Palace") during the convention James Garfield (center, right) is on the podium, waiting to speak. | (Photo: Wikimedia Commons)

In July of this year approximately 50,000 people will attend the Republican National Convention at the Quicken Loans Arena in Cleveland, Ohio.

Republican National Committee Chairman Reince Priebus gavels the 2012 Republican National Convention into session during the opening session in Tampa, Florida, August 27, 2012. | (Photo: REUTERS/Mike Segar)

Current Republican frontrunner Donald Trump is presently leading his opponents in the race to get enough delegates to secure the party nomination.

However, many have expressed concern over the controversial Trump becoming the nominee and have looked for an anti-Trump to get the nomination in spite of lacking a larger share of votes and delegates.

As a result, there is a chance that this year's GOP Convention will resemble the party's 1880 convention, which had a brokered result.

In the race for the White House, the Republican Party found itself divided from within between two factions, the Stalwarts and the Half-Breeds.

Stalwarts were the "crony capitalist" or "machine politics" wing of the party and were led by New York Senator Roscoe Conkling.

Half-Breeds wanted to reform the "spoils system" that kept the Stalwarts in power. They were led by Maine Senator James E. Blaine.

While the Stalwarts put forth former president and general Ulysses S. Grant as their candidate, the Half-Breeds chose Blaine.

Because of the divide, neither candidate entered the 1880 convention with a clear majority of delegates to secure the nomination. The contested convention became a brokered one as several ballots were cast without a clear victor.

"Although nearly two-thirds of the delegates had been pledged to either Grant or his Half-Breed opponent Blaine when the Republican National Convention convened, securing a majority of 370 proved impossible for either candidate," noted Ashley Portero of Demand Media.

The voting continued for three days with the delegates eventually backing someone who wasn't even a candidate.

"After more than 30 ballots resulted in a stalemate, James Garfield emerged as a compromise candidate. At the 36th ballot, when Grant still had the support [of] 309 delegates, the party's moderate and liberal factions joined forces behind Garfield, sweeping him to victory with the support of 399 delegates," Portero noted.

Garfield went on to win the presidential election in November, only to be assassinated the following year.

U.S. Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump speaks at a campaign rally in De Pere, Wisconsin, United States, March 30, 2016. | (Photo: REUTERS/Jim Young)

Despite the controversial nature of his rhetoric and background, Trump has successfully led a crowded Republican field in the number of primaries won and delegates accrued.

Nevertheless, Republican opponents U.S. Senator Ted Cruz and Ohio Governor John Kasich continue to put up a sincere enough struggle that some believe Trump may fail to get the majority of delegates necessary to win on the first ballot (1,237).

Some have spoken openly of a "contested convention" in which a compromise figure may become the nominee.

In a brokered convention, the nominee selected to represent the party in the national election does not have to have been a candidate during the primary season.

Hence, former House Speaker John Boehner and the Koch brothers have suggested current House Speaker Paul Ryan become the nominee.

"Charles Koch is confident House Speaker Paul Ryan could emerge from the Republican National Convention as the party's nominee if Donald Trump comes up at least 100 delegates shy, he has told friends privately," reported The Huffington Post.

"People close to Ryan continue to insist publicly that he has no interest in the nomination. And one associate of the speaker said he "guarantees" there has been no conversation with Charles Koch about the possibility …."

In this respect, Ryan is similar to Garfield, who insisted he was not a candidate until the moment he became the nominee.

Republican U.S. presidential candidate Donald Trump speaks as rival candidate Ted Cruz (R) winces at the U.S. Republican presidential candidates debate in Detroit, Michigan, March 3, 2016. | (Photo: REUTERS/Jim Young)

At the start of April, Trump holds a strong lead in the GOP primary season, having gotten 737 of the necessary 1237 delegates to secure the nomination his nearest opponent, Sen. Cruz, has 470.

While many have talked or advocated for a brokered convention come July, others, including Daniel Klinghard of Fortune, have stated that no such scenario will play out.

In a column published last month, Klinghard noted that a brokered Republican convention has not occurred since 1920, when Warren G. Harding got the nomination.

"The convention turned to Garfield because two major blocks were deadlocked, unable to beat one another and unwilling to compromise. It turned to Harding because there were no standout candidates who came to the convention with a clear following," wrote Klinghard.

"Rejecting a popular candidate today — particularly one who has as enthusiastic a following as Trump — means rejecting that candidate's supporters, who expect that the convention will represent their will."


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George Henry Sharpe was an American lawyer, soldier, Secret Service officer, diplomat, politician, and Member of the Board of General Appraisers.

los 1876 Republican National Convention was a presidential nominating convention held at the Exposition Hall in Cincinnati, Ohio on June 14󈝼, 1876. President Ulysses S. Grant had considered seeking a third term, but with various scandals, a poor economy and heavy Democratic gains in the House of Representatives that led many Republicans to repudiate him, he declined to run. The convention resulted in the nomination of Governor Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio for president and Representative William A. Wheeler of New York for vice president.

los 1884 Republican National Convention was a presidential nominating convention held at the Exposition Hall in Chicago, Illinois, on June 3𔃄, 1884. It resulted in the nomination of former House Speaker James G. Blaine from Maine for president and Senator John A. Logan of Illinois for vice president. The ticket lost in the election of 1884 to Democrats Grover Cleveland and Thomas A. Hendricks.

los 1888 Republican National Convention was a presidential nominating convention held at the Auditorium Building in Chicago, Illinois, on June 19󈞅, 1888. It resulted in the nomination of former Senator Benjamin Harrison of Indiana for president and Levi P. Morton of New York, a former Representative and Minister to France, for vice president. During the convention, Frederick Douglass was invited to speak and became the first African-American to have his name put forward for a presidential nomination in a major party's roll call vote he received one vote from Kentucky on the fourth ballot.

Chester Alan Arthur was an American attorney and politician who served as the 21st president of the United States from 1881 to 1885. Previously the 20th vice president, he succeeded to the presidency upon the death of President James A. Garfield in September 1881, two months after Garfield was shot by an assassin.

los 1881 United States Senate election in New York was held on January 18, 1881, by the New York State Legislature to elect a U.S. Senator to represent the State of New York in the United States Senate.

los 1881 United States Senate special election in New York was held from May 31 to July 22, 1881, by the New York State Legislature to elect two U.S. senators to represent the State of New York in the United States Senate.

George Franklin Edmunds was a Republican U.S. Senator from Vermont. Before entering the U.S. Senate, he served in a number of high-profile positions, including Speaker of the Vermont House of Representatives, and President pro tempore of the Vermont State Senate.

John Chalfant New was a United States banker and lawyer who held a variety of government positions. He was Treasurer of the United States from 1875 to 1876.

John Sherman was a politician from the U.S. state of Ohio during the American Civil War and into the late nineteenth century. A member of the Republican Party, he served in both houses of the U.S. Congress. He also served as Secretary of the Treasury and Secretary of State. Sherman sought the Republican presidential nomination three times, coming closest in 1888, but was never chosen by the party.

After eight years in the presidential office during Reconstruction, Ulysses S. Grant looked forward to retirement from public life. When his second term in office ended in March 1877, Grant had gained weight, while he desired to travel the world and visit his daughter in Scotland. Grant began his post-presidential life with a two-year tour that took him and his wife and entourage around the world. On returning, Grant was welcomed home with an adoration unknown since the end of the Civil War, and he began to consider running for a third term as president in 1880. Following a hard-fought defeat at the Republican National Convention that year, Grant embarked on a financial career in partnership with Ferdinand Ward, but the venture failed and Grant was nearly bankrupted. Diagnosed with cancer in 1884, he began writing his memoirs as a way to tell his story and provide for his family after his death. The book, finished just before his death the following year, was a huge success and remains in print. Grant was interred in Grant's Tomb, a massive mausoleum in New York City.


1 Stalwart Republicans

Stalwart Republicans opposed the civil service reform measures advocated by the Hayes administration. Instead, the group favored a patronage system – known as as a "spoils system" – that awarded political supporters with jobs in the federal government. At that time the Stalwarts had a base of conservative support in the South, an area where Republicans relied specifically on the patronage system to obtain posts in the heavily Democratic region. The Stalwarts were also adamantly opposed to the Hayes policies that abetted the end of Reconstruction, particularly his decision to remove troops from Louisiana and South Carolina.


Conspectus of the History of Political Parties and the Federal Government/1880 Independent Republican Party Principles

I. Independent Republicans adhere to the republican principles of national supremacy, sound finance, and civil service reform, expressed in the Republican platform of 1876, in the letter of acceptance of President Hayes, and in his message of 1879 and they seek the realization of those principles in practical laws and their efficient administration. This requires,

1. The continuance on the statute-book of laws protecting the rights of voters at national elections. But national supremacy affords no pretext for interference with the local rights of communities and the development of the south from its present defective civilization can be secured only under constitutional methods, such as those of President Hayes.

2. The passage of laws which shall deprive greenbacks of their legal-tender quality, as a first step toward their ultimate withdrawal and cancellation, and shall maintain all coins made legal tender at such weight and fineness as will enable them to be used without discount in the commercial transactions of the world.

3. The repeal of the acts which limit the terms of office of certain government officials to four years the repeal of the tenure-of-office acts, which limit the power of the executive to remove for cause the establishment of a permanent civil service commission, or equivalent measures, to ascertain, by open competition, and certify to the President or other appointing power the fitness of applicants for nomination or appointment to all non-political offices.

II. Independent Republicans believe that local issues should be independent of party. The words Republican and Democrat should have no weight in determining whether a school or city shall be administered on business principles by capable men. With a view to this, legislation is asked which shall prescribe for the voting for local and for state officers upon separate ballots.

III. Independent Republicans assert that a political party is a co-operation of voters to secure the practical enactment into legislation of political convictions set forth as its platform. Every voter accepting that platform is a member of that party any representative of that party opposing the principles or evading the promises of its platform forfeits the support of its voters. No voter should be held by the action or nomination of any caucus or convention of his party against his private judgment. It is his duty to vote against bad measures and unfit men, as the only means of obtaining good ones and if his party no longer represents its professed principles in its practical workings, it is his duty to vote against it.

IV. Independent Republicans seek good nominations through participation in the primaries and through the defeat of bad nominees they will labor for the defeat of any local Republican candidate, and, in co-operation with those holding like views elsewhere, for the defeat of any general Republican candidate whom they do not deem fit.

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